In the climactic part of his three-book series exploring the importance of public image in the Tudor and Stuart monarchies, Kevin Sharpe employs a remarkable interdisciplinary approach that draws on literary studies and art history as well as political, cultural, and social history to show how this preoccupation with public representation met the challenge of dealing with the aftermath of Cromwell's interregnum and Charles II's restoration, and how the irrevocably changed cultural landscape was navigated by the sometimes astute yet equally fallible Stuart monarchs and their successors.
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The late Kevin Sharpe was Leverhulme Research Professor of Renaissance Studies at Queen Mary College, University of London. He was the author of The Personal Rule of Charles 1, Reading Revolutions, Selling the Tudor Monarchy, and Image Wars.
| List of Illustrations...................................................... | vii |
| Foreword................................................................... | xii |
| Preface and Acknowledgements............................................... | xvi |
| Introduction: Representing Restored Monarchy............................... | 1 |
| I Re-presenting and Reconstituting Kingship................................ | 9 |
| 1 Rewriting Royalty........................................................ | 11 |
| 2 Redrawing Regality....................................................... | 94 |
| 3 Rituals of Restored Majesty.............................................. | 148 |
| 4 A Changed Culture, Divided Kingdom and Contested Kingship................ | 194 |
| II Confessional Kingship? Representations of James II...................... | 223 |
| Prologue: A King Represented and Misrepresented............................ | 225 |
| 5 A King of Many Words..................................................... | 227 |
| 6 A Popish Face? Images of James II........................................ | 265 |
| 7 Staging Catholic Kingship................................................ | 287 |
| 8 Countering 'Catholic Kingship' and Contesting Revolution................. | 308 |
| III Representing Revolution................................................ | 341 |
| Prologue: An Image Revolution?............................................. | 343 |
| 9 Scripting the Revolution................................................. | 353 |
| 10 Figuring Revolution..................................................... | 409 |
| 11 A King off the Stage.................................................... | 449 |
| 12 Rival Representations................................................... | 481 |
| IV Representing Stuart Queenship........................................... | 507 |
| Prologue: Semper Eadem? Queen Anne......................................... | 509 |
| 13 A Stuart's Words: Queen Anne and the Scripts of Post-Revolution Monarchy................................................................... | 515 |
| 14 Re-Depicting Female Rule: The Image of the Queen........................ | 578 |
| 15 Stuart Rituals: Queen Anne and the Performance of Monarchy.............. | 616 |
| 16 Party Contest and the Queen............................................. | 646 |
| Epilogue................................................................... | 671 |
| Notes...................................................................... | 682 |
| Index...................................................................... | 819 |
Rewriting Royalty
I
In 'A Panegyric Upon His Sacred Majesty's Most Happy Return', the poet ThomasForde wrote in praise of the king:
You Conquered without Arms, your WordsWin hearts, better than others Swords.
Flattering Charles's own sense that he had scripted his own restoration, Fordedepicted the royal word as the victor over violence. In his dedication of hisThe Original and Growth of Printing to Charles in 1664, Richard Atkynsappropriated the scriptural text to make the same point: 'where the word of aking is there is power'. Talking and writing, however, had had no simplerelationship to authority. After the noisy debates of his father's reign,Charles I had preferred a silence from which only the necessities of civil warhad drawn him. After the Babel of civil war, Charles II may have been inclinedto his father's preference: he referred to his own reluctance to write atlength, and it may be that the translation of A Philosophical DiscourseConcerning Speech in 1668 had the English as well as French king in mind whenthe translator referred to 'the prudence you have to be silent'. Charles II didnot choose to repeat himself at length or at large in speech. But recognizing,with Hobbes, that the force of 'the word of a king' (as the Declaration of Bredaput it) was an essential attribute of sovereign authority, Charles regularlyspoke to his parliaments and to his people, and his speeches, throughout hisreign, many of them printed, were directed at the maintenance as well asrepresentation of that authority. Because those speeches were central both toCharles's self-presentation and to how others saw him, I shall analyze themacross the reign, paying attention to how the king adjusted his words toshifting circumstances.
Charles's first major speech to his parliament, to the House of Lords on 27 July1660, concerned a matter of vital import to him and was delivered at a criticalmoment. Royalist and Presbyterian MPs, eager for revenge against their enemies,proved reluctant to pass the Act of Indemnity which Charles regarded asessential to his honour (the upholding of his word given at Breda) and to thestability of a peaceful settlement. After royal promptings eventually pushed thebill through the Commons, Charles addressed the Lords in a speech published tothe nation, with a large royal arms on the title page. It was to the nation asmuch as the house that Charles reaffirmed, lest any began to fear the contrary,that 'I have the same intentions and resolutions now I am here with you which Ihad at Breda.' Thanking the Lords diplomatically for their persecution ofregicides, Charles explained, lest any had read Breda as mere rhetoric, that 'Inever thought of excepting any other'; and he proceeded to justify indemnity asthe best interest of the nation. 'This mercy and indulgence,' he began in thelanguage of virtuous princes, 'is the best way to bring them to a truerepentance.' But widening the argument beyond his own concerns, he continued:'it will make them good subjects to me and good friends and neighbours to youand we have then all our end ... the surest expedient to prevent futuremischief'. The clever use of the first-person plural pronouns, the invocationof peace and unity, but also the reminder of the risk of renewed conflict werecarefully combined to construct the platform of Restoration: restored regalgovernment over all subjects, former Parliamentarians as well as Royalists.Giving his consent to the Act he had secured on 29 August, Charles took theoccasion of a speech to both houses to assert his severity now against any whorefused his clemency, and his love for all others. 'Never king,' he told them,in strains that not for the last time echo Queen Elizabeth's speeches, 'valuedhimself more upon the affections of his people than I do; nor do I know a betterway to make myself sure of your affections than by being just and kind to youall.' In turn, the king felt, he told his auditors, 'so confident of youraffections that I will not move you in anything that ... relates to myself'– though references to debts, the expenses, disbandment money and the PollBill meant that he did not pass...
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