In Patton, Montgomery, Rommel, one of Britain's most accomplished military scholars presents an unprecedented study of the land war in the North African and European theaters, as well as their chief commanders&;three men who also happened to be the most compelling dramatis personae of World War II.
Beyond spellbinding depictions of pivotal confrontations at El Alamein, Monte Cassino, and the Ardennes forest, author-scholar Terry Brighton illuminates the personal motivations and historical events that propelled the three men's careers: how Patton's, Montgomery's, and Rommel's Great War experiences helped to mold their style of command&;and how, exactly, they managed to apply their arguably megalomaniacal personalities (and hitherto unrecognized political acumen and tact) to advance their careers and strategic vision.
Opening new avenues of inquiry into the lives and careers of three men widely profiled by scholars and popular historians alike, Brighton definitively answers numerous lingering and controversial questions: Was Patton really as vainglorious in real life as he was portrayed to be on the silver screen?&;and how did his tireless advocacy of "mechanized cavalry" forever change the face of war? Was Monty's dogged publicity-seeking driven by his own need for recognition or by his desire to claim for Britain a leadership role in postwar global order?&;and how did this prickly "commoner" manage to earn affection and esteem from enlisted men and nobility alike? How might the war have ended if Rommel had had more tanks?&;and what fundamental philosophical difference between him and Hitler made such an outcome virtually impossible?
Abetted by new primary source material and animated by Terry Brighton's incomparable storytelling gifts, Patton, Montgomery, Rommel offers critical new interpretations of the Second World War as it was experienced by its three most flamboyant, controversial, and influential commanders&;and augments our understanding of each of their perceptions of war and leadership.
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TERRY BRIGHTON is a master historian and curator of the Queen's Royal Lancers Regimental Museum. He is also the author of Hell Riders: The True Story of the Charge of the Light Brigade. He lives in England.
i
Introductions: Three Portraits
In December 1940 the lord mayor of Heidenheim, a small town fifty miles east of Stuttgart, sent a Christmas gift parcel to Wehrmacht troops born in the town and now serving abroad. It contained a fir branch as a token of the trees that decorated their homes, Magenbrot (locally made biscuits), cigars and a color postcard of Major General Erwin Rommel, Heidenheim’s most famous son.
Rommel was forty-nine years old and had commanded the 7th Panzer Division during the invasion of France. The spectacular success of his armored blitzkrieg made him the first divisional commander to reach the English Channel coast and his name was celebrated throughout Germany. Jealous voices in the Oberkommando der Wehrmacht (High Command of the Armed Forces) already whispered that he was Hitler’s favorite general, but the troops applauded him and none more than those also born in Heidenheim. One soldier replied to the mayor:
"My greatest thanks for the Rommel card. This picture catches our general exactly as he is in real life. Hard and relentless on himself and his men. It was with this face that he himself fired a round from a flare gun into the vision slit of a French tank, forcing it to retire. This is “our Rommel.” Can I ask you to send me more cards for my comrades?"
Although sent ostensibly by the mayor of Heidenheim, the parcel was funded by the local branch of the National Socialist Party. The postcard had been reproduced from a portrait painted by war artist Wolfgang Willrich. Sergeant Willrich believed that art should portray the “heroic ideal” defined in racial as well as military terms and had produced a book of drawings, Des edlen ewiges Reich (The Everlasting Nobility of the Reich). He was recruited by Propaganda Minister Joseph Goebbels and attached to the Propaganda Company that traveled with the 7th Division in its thrust across France.
The portrait of Rommel showed him in uniform and greatcoat with a cap and goggles, wearing the Knight’s Cross of the Iron Cross and the Pour le Mérite. War correspondent Hanns Gert von Esebeck described in print the Rommel caught on canvas by Willrich: “He has a high forehead, a strong, forceful nose, prominent cheekbones, a narrow mouth with tight lips, and a chin of great determination. The strong lines around his nostrils and the corners of his mouth relax only when he smiles. His clear blue eyes, penetrating and focused, reveal the cunning that marks the man.”
At the end of the war the victorious Allies portrayed Rommel for reasons of their own as “the good German” and “conspirator against Hitler.” Much was made of the fact that he had never joined the Nazi Party. But neither did Willrich, who considered his work to be a record of racial purity and who in his portrait of the general caught a quite different Rommel. Here was the original Rommel formed by the nationalist bias of the Second Reich in which he grew up and the war academy he attended as a young man. He was a nationalist and a devout believer in the Führer, and cooperated happily with both the portrait painter and the propaganda minister in presenting an image not only of the victory of the Wehrmacht over its enemies but also of the German superiority that they defined in racial terms. Rommel appears to have had no problem with that and accepted Willrich as happily as he did Lieutenant Karl-August Hanke, the “Party man” attached to the 7th Division: “I won’t have to watch my tongue, but some of the others will be on guard.” When Goebbels wrote in his diary that Rommel was “not just sympathetic to the National Socialists; he is a National Socialist,” he was aware of the general’s ?non-?membership but implying a deeper identity. Willrich saw this too and caught it brilliantly on canvas: an innate sense of superiority that fed the darkest roots of Nazi doctrine.
Thousands of copies of the Willrich portrait were printed by the Volksbund für das Deutschtum im Ausland (National
League for Germans Abroad) and distributed among the troops. So popular had the general become that ?poster-?size reproductions were printed by the Propaganda Ministry and several of these appeared in the windows of Heidenheim. Its citizens were proud that this hero of the Reich was one of them.
It was this portrait, rather than any photograph of his foe, that Montgomery chose to hang above the desk in his command caravan, perhaps because this was the Rommel—fiercely nationalist, devoted to the Führer, convinced of ultimate German victory—that he had to defeat before the course of the war, and the deepest beliefs of the man himself, could be changed.
*
Erwin Johannes Eugen Rommel was born in Heidenheim in the German state of Württemberg on Sunday, November 15, 1891. According to his sister, Helena, the boy who was to become the much feared “Desert Fox” began life as “a very gentle and docile child who took after his mother. He had a white skin and hair so pale that we called him the ‘white bear.’?”
The Germans knew Württemberg as “the home of common sense,” a backhanded compliment meant to indicate the population’s lack of intellect and sophistication, and at first Erwin appeared true to type. Helena noted that he spoke slowly and spent all his leisure time “in the fields and woods.” His father (also called Erwin) was a schoolteacher in Heidenheim and this was not the bookish son he might have expected. When Erwin senior was appointed headmaster of the Realgymnasium (which prepared pupils for university) in nearby Aalen the difference between them widened. School life was difficult for the headmaster’s son, who lagged behind his classmates in every academic subject.
The father-son relationship was saved by a glider. Erwin junior was obsessed by airplanes and airships, and when he was fourteen he and his friend Keitel decided to build a full-size glider in a field near Aalen. They had hopes that it might really fly but to get the aerodynamics right required a number of complex mathematical calculations. His father’s obsession was mathematics and in this project the two found common ground. The two boys built the glider, and although they had no way of getting it off the ground, Erwin was so convinced of its aerodynamic qualities that he persuaded anyone who would listen (and some of his later biographers) that it flew for thirty yards.
From this came a decision as the end of his schooldays approached: to become an engineer in the Zeppelin works at Friedrichshafen. Erwin senior, unhappy with any child of his working in a factory but aware that Erwin was not destined for university, came to a commonsense conclusion: the best career for a young man who excelled in practical and outdoor pursuits was the army. The officer class was still largely dominated by the Prussian aristocracy (the “vons”) but had opened up to the bourgeoisie and a headmaster’s son stood a fair chance. The idea of a military career appealed to him and particularly the thought of joining the engineers. The army, however, did not see Erwin Rommel as prime officer material and his father’s letter of support hardly helped by describing his highest quality as “good at gymnastics.” His application was rejected by the engineers and next by the artillery. If the infantry had not accepted him he might have ended up in the Zeppelin works, where his best friend, Keitel, had already found work.
On July 19, 1910, at Weingarten, a small garrison town near Stuttgart, the eighteen-year-old Rommel enlisted in the 124th Württemberg Infantry Regiment as a Fahnenjunker...
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