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Lowell W. Barrington is Associate Professor of Political Science, Marquette University.
Preface & Acknowledgments..........................................................................................................viiI. INTRODUCTION1. Nationalism & Independence LOWELL W. BARRINGTON................................................................................3II. POSTCOLONIAL NATIONALISM2. Nationalism in Postcolonial States JOSHUA B. FORREST...........................................................................333. From Malay Nationalism to a Malaysian Nation? DIANE K. MAUZY...................................................................454. Rwanda: Tragic Land of Dual Nationalisms JOHN F. CLARK.........................................................................715. From Irredentism to Secession: The Decline of Pan-Somali Nationalism PETER J. SCHRAEDER........................................107III. POSTCOMMUNIST NATIONALISM6. The Post-Soviet Nations after Independence IAN BREMMER.........................................................................1417. Nationalism in Post-Soviet Lithuania: New Approaches for the Nation of "Innocent Sufferers" TERRY D. CLARK.....................1628. Kravchuk to the Orange Revolution: The Victory of Civic Nationalism in Post-Soviet Ukraine TARAS KUZIO.........................1879. Post-Soviet Armenia: Nationalism & Its (Dis)contents RAZMIK PANOSSIAN..........................................................22510. Georgia: Nationalism from under the Rubble STEPHEN JONES......................................................................248IV. CONCLUSION11. Nationalism, Nation Making, & the Postcolonial States of Asia, Africa, & Eurasia RONALD GRIGOR SUNY...........................279Contributors.......................................................................................................................297Index..............................................................................................................................301
LOWELL W. BARRINGTON
Nationalism was arguably the most powerful force in international politics in the twentieth century. Its ideas revolutionized international politics, affecting everything from trade to the number of states in the international system itself. It aided in the collapse of the central, eastern, and southeastern European empires; it contributed significantly to the events of World War II and its horror; it led to the end of colonialism; and it played a crucial role in the breakup of three federal Communist states: the Soviet Union, Yugoslavia, and Czechoslovakia. Many politicians in the successor countries to these three states quickly abandoned their Communist Party roots for nationalist movements. Even in the liberal democratic West, nationalists pushing for protection of the homeland and national culture against outsiders had electoral success in the latter part of the century.
Scholars have linked nationalism to everything from the French and American revolutions to the worst atrocities committed against ethnic minorities. The large number of phenomena that have been attached to the label nationalism indicates that it is a complex, multifaceted concept. Yet it is possible to define nationalism to allow one to include different events under its heading, while at the same time not defining it in such a broad way as to be meaningless. The definition proposed in this chapter, based in part on a survey of definitions in the nationalism literature, indicates that no matter what variant of nationalism one is discussing, nationalism is about two things: the nation and control over territory-specifically, the perceived national "homeland."
Because of its emphasis on territorial control, nationalism's power as a maker (and destroyer) of states is well recognized. And no one can deny the mobilizing power of nationalist ideas over the last two centuries. Although nationalism is elite driven, the masses have often enthusiastically followed nationalist leaders. But what happens to these nationalists and their ideas after they have achieved their ultimate goal of the creation of a new state? What happens to nationalism after independence? This is the central question of this book, a work that brings together analyses of a variety of postcolonial and postcommunist cases to help us understand how independence affects the ideas of nationalism and the fate of its movements and political parties.
Nations and Nationalism: What They Are & Are Not
Nation
The starting point for any discussion of nationalism is an understanding of the concept of nation. This is especially true of the definition of nationalism in this chapter, since nation is included within it. As discussed in this section, there are a number of different ways that scholars of nationalism have discussed the nation. Yet there is some overlap, and in the case of both nation and nationalism, it is possible to bring together many of these ideas into a single working definition.
There are two particular things that nations are not, which are, unfortunately, associated with the term in everyday language and even by some scholars: states and ethnic groups. The misuse of nation by equating it with "state" or "country" appears in a large number of political science works, including many textbooks, though it is not generally a problem for those who specialize in the study of nationalism. A state is the principal political unit in the international political system corresponding to a territory, a relatively permanent population, and a set of ruling institutions. A country is the territorial component of the state. Nigeria is a state (and a country); it is not a nation.
The second misuse of nation, and one that some nationalism scholars are guilty of, is the intermixing of the term nation with "ethnic group" or "ethnicity." Nations can evolve from ethnic groups, but a nation is more than an ethnic group. In an era where the effects of ethnic nationalism receive international attention, it is perhaps not surprising that many people would think of ethnic groups and nations in similar ways. This is certainly the case for many journalists, though some nationalism scholars have also fallen into the trap of defining nations in such a way as to make them indistinguishable from ethnic groups. For Tamir, for example, a nation is a "community whose members share feelings of fraternity, substantial distinctiveness, and exclusivity, as well as beliefs in a common ancestry and continuous genealogy." While this would be a good definition of an ethnic group, the definition lacks a way to differentiate between nations and ethnic groups. Likewise, Connor's definition of nation would be better suited as a definition of ethnic group. He uses the two terms almost interchangeably, stating that the only real difference is that a nation must be self-defined, while an ethnic group can be "other defined." Chinn and Kaiser's definition, while adding important criteria to distinguish ethnic groups from nations, still indicates that nations only come from ethnic groups. Most scholars, however, understand that, while nations can come from ethnic groups, they often do not; they are something more than, and can be something quite different from, such groups.
Even assuming that nationalism scholars generally agree on what nations are not,...
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