Among the most influential authors and reformers of his age, Thomas Paine (1737–1809) was born in England but went on to play an important role in both the American and French Revolutions. In 1774, he emigrated to America where, for a time, he helped to edit the Pennsylvania Magazine. On January 10, 1776, he published his pamphlet Common Sense, a persuasive argument for the colonies' political and economic separation from Britain. Common Sense cites the evils of monarchy, accuses the British government of inflicting economic and social injustices upon the colonies, and points to the absurdity of an island attempting to rule a continent. Credited by George Washington as having changed the minds of many of his countrymen, the document sold over 500,000 copies within a few months. Today, Common Sense remains a landmark document in the struggle for freedom, distinguished not only by Paine's ideas but also by its clear and passionate presentation. Designed to ignite public opinion against autocratic rule, the pamphlet offered a careful balance between imagination and judgment, and appropriate language and expression to fit the subject. It immediately found a receptive audience, heartened Washington's despondent army, and foreshadowed much of the phrasing and substance of the Declaration of Independence. A selection of the Common Core State Standards Initiative.
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Among the most influential reformers of his age, Thomas Paine (1737–1809) was born in England but went on to play an important role in both the American and French Revolutions. On January 10, 1776, he published his pamphlet Common Sense, a persuasive argument for the colonies' political and economic separation from Britain.
Common Sense cites the evils of monarchy, accuses the British government of inflicting economic and social injustices upon the colonies, and points to the absurdity of an island attempting to rule a continent. Credited by George Washington as having changed the minds of many of his countrymen, the document sold over 500,000 copies within a few months.
Designed to ignite public opinion against autocratic rule, the pamphlet offered a careful balance between imagination and judgment. It immediately found a receptive audience, heartened Washington's despondent army, and foreshadowed much of the phrasing and substance of the Declaration of Independence.
As a long and violent abuse of power, is generally the Means ofcalling the right of it in question (and in Matters too which mightnever have been thought of, had not the Sufferers been aggravatedinto the inquiry) and as the King of England hath undertaken in hisown Right, to support the Parliament in what he calls Theirs, and asthe good people of this country are grievously oppressed by thecombination, they have an undoubted privilege to inquire into thepretensions of both, and equally to reject the usurpation of either.
In the following sheets, the author hath studiously avoided everything which is personal among ourselves. Compliments as well ascensure to individuals make no part thereof. The wise, and theworthy, need not the triumph of a pamphlet; and those whosesentiments are injudicious, or unfriendly, will cease of themselvesunless too much pains are bestowed upon their conversion.
The cause of America is in a great measure the cause of all mankind.Many circumstances hath, and will arise, which are not local, butuniversal, and through which the principles of all Lovers of Mankindare affected, and in the Event of which, their Affections areinterested. The laying a Country desolate with Fire and Sword,declaring War against the natural rights of all Mankind, andextirpating the Defenders thereof from the Face of the Earth, is theConcern of every Man to whom Nature hath given the Power of feeling;of which Class, regardless of Party Censure, is the
author.
P. S. The Publication of this new Edition hath been delayed, with aView of taking notice (had it been necessary) of any Attempt torefute the Doctrine of Independance: As no Answer hath yet appeared,it is now presumed that none will, the Time needful for getting sucha Performance ready for the Public being considerably past.
Who the Author of this Production is, is wholly unnecessary to thePublic, as the Object for Attention is the Doctrine itself, not theMan. Yet it may not be unnecessary to say, That he is unconnectedwith any Party, and under no sort of Influence public or private,but the influence of reason and principle.
Philadelphia, February 14, 1776
Of the origin and design of government in general. With conciseremarks on the English constitution.
Some writers have so confounded society with government, as to leavelittle or no distinction between them; whereas they are not onlydifferent, but have different origins. Society is produced by ourwants, and government by our wickedness; the former promotes ourhappiness positively by uniting our affections, the latternegatively by restraining our vices. The one encourages intercourse,the other creates distinctions. The first is a patron, the last apunisher.
Society in every state is a blessing, but government even in itsbest state is but a necessary evil; in its worst state anintolerable one; for when we suffer, or are exposed to the samemiseries by a government, which we might expect in a country withoutgovernment, our calamity is heightened by reflecting that we furnishthe means by which we suffer. Government, like dress, is the badgeof lost innocence; the palaces of kings are built on the ruins ofthe bowers of paradise. For were the impulses of conscience clear,uniform, and irresistably obeyed, man would need no other lawgiver;but that not being the case, he finds it necessary to surrender up apart of his property to furnish means for the protection of therest; and this he is induced to do by the same prudence which inevery other case advises him out of two evils to choose the least.Wherefore, security being the true design and end of government, itunanswerably follows that whatever form thereof appears most likelyto ensure it to us, with the least expence and greatest benefit, ispreferable to all others.
In order to gain a clear and just idea of the design and end ofgovernment, let us suppose a small number of persons settled in somesequestered part of the earth, unconnected with the rest, they willthen represent the first peopling of any country, or of the world.In this state of natural liberty, society will be their firstthought. A thousand motives will excite them thereto, the strengthof one man is so unequal to his wants, and his mind so unfitted forperpetual solitude, that he is soon obliged to seek assistance andrelief of another, who in his turn requires the same. Four or fiveunited would be able to raise a tolerable dwelling in the midst of awilderness, but one man might labour out the common period of lifewithout accomplishing any thing; when he had felled his timber hecould not remove it, nor erect it after it was removed; hunger inthe mean time would urge him from his work, and every different wantcall him a different way. Disease, nay even misfortune would bedeath, for though neither might be mortal, yet either would disablehim from living, and reduce him to a state in which he might ratherbe said to perish than to die.
Thus necessity, like a gravitating power, would soon form our newlyarrived emigrants into society, the reciprocal blessings of which,would supersede, and render the obligations of law and governmentunnecessary while they remained perfectly just to each other; but asnothing but heaven is impregnable to vice, it will unavoidablyhappen, that in proportion as they surmount the first difficultiesof emigration, which bound them together in a common cause, theywill begin to relax in their duty and attachment to each other; andthis remissness, will point out the necessity, of establishing someform of government to supply the defect of moral virtue.
Some convenient tree will afford them a State-House, under thebranches of which, the whole colony may assemble to deliberate onpublic matters. It is more than probable that their first laws willhave the title only of Regulations, and be enforced by no otherpenalty than public disesteem. In this first parliament every man,by natural right, will have a seat.
But as the colony increases, the public concerns will increaselikewise, and the distance at which the members may be separated,will render it too inconvenient for all of them to meet on everyoccasion as at first, when their number was small, their habitationsnear, and the public concerns few and trifling. This will point outthe convenience of their consenting to leave the legislative part tobe managed by a select number chosen from the whole body, who aresupposed to have the same concerns at stake which those have whoappointed them, and who will act in the same manner as the wholebody would act were they present. If the colony continue increasing,it will become necessary to augment the number of therepresentatives, and that the interest of every part of the colonymay be attended to, it will be found best to divide the whole intoconvenient parts, each part sending its proper number; and that theelected might never form to themselves an interest separate from theelectors, prudence will point out the propriety of having electionsoften; because as the elected might by that means return and mixagain with the general body of the electors in a few months, theirfidelity to the public will be secured by the prudent reflexion ofnot making a rod for themselves. And as this frequent...
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