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Preface Marcelo M. Suárez-Orozco, Vivian Louie, and Roberto Suro, ix,
Acknowledgments, xxv,
Introduction Roberto Suro, 1,
PART ONE. IMMIGRATION AND THE LAW, 19,
1. The Making of an Outlaw Generation Nina Bernstein, 23,
2. The Integrated Regime of Immigration Regulation Cristina M. Rodríguez, 44,
3. What Part of "Illegal" Don't You Understand? Dianne Solís, 62,
4. Some Observations about Immigration Journalism Peter H. Schuck, 73,
Interlude I. Covering Immigration: From Stepchild Beat to Newsroom Mainstream Patrick J. McDonnell, 90,
PART TWO. IMMIGRATION AND THE ECONOMY, 103,
5. Consensus, Debate, and Wishful Thinking: The Economic Impact of Immigration Edward Schumacher-Matos, 107,
6. Ten Top Myths and Fallacies Regarding Immigration Barry R. Chiswick, 136,
Interlude II. A Son of Immigrants on Covering Immigration George de Lama, 149,
PART THREE. IMMIGRATION AND THE SECOND GENERATION, 155,
7. The Education Transformation: Why the Media Missed One of the Biggest Stories in America Ginger Thompson, 159,
8. Moving Stories: Academic Trajectories of Newcomer Immigrant Students Carola Suárez-Orozco, 171,
9. Who Will Report the Next Chapter of America's Immigration Story? Tyche Hendricks, 204,
10. Complicating the Story of Immigrant Integration Vivian Louie, 218,
11. Debating Immigration: Are We Addressing the Right Issues? Mary C. Waters, 236,
Afterword Roberto Suro, 251,
Contributors, 255,
Index, 257,
The Making of an Outlaw Generation
NINA BERNSTEIN
In the fall of 2004, my first year covering immigration for the New York Times, I met an eight-year-old girl named Virginia Feliz. Her last name means "happy" in Spanish, but she hated her name, she told me. She threw herself down on a couch in her family's apartment in the Bronx, beside her father, Carlos Feliz, a U.S. citizen who was born in the Dominican Republic. She declared: "I'm not happy, I'm sad. Because it's not fair that everybody else has their mom except me." In an article on the front page of the Times—one of the first, I believe, to highlight the breadth of this phenomenon—I wrote: "Virginia is part of the growing tribe of American children who have lost a parent to deportation." Virginia's forty-seven-year-old mother, Berly Feliz, had gone to the federal immigration headquarters in Manhattan on a supposedly routine visit to renew her work authorization. But an old deportation order had resurfaced, and Mrs. Feliz, who had lived in the United States for a decade after migrating illegally from Honduras, was quickly handcuffed and placed on a plane, with no chance to say goodbye.
By all reports Virginia Feliz had been a happy child before her mother's expulsion. Two months later, doctors said Virginia had a major depressive disorder marked by hyperactivity, nightmares, bed-wetting, frequent crying, and fights at school. In a letter to the Department of Homeland Security, Dr. Victor Sierra, the director of the Child and Adolescent clinic where Virginia was treated, made no bones about the underlying problem: "Absent mother, secondary to deportation." Virginia's case, on its own, might have made a compelling local feature story for the Metro desk, to which I was assigned. But at the time (and until mid-2006) I was the only reporter at the New York Times covering immigration. That fact itself may be evidence of what Roberto Suro, professor of journalism and public policy, criticizes as the episodic nature of immigration coverage. But it was also one reason I had lobbied for the beat on my return from a fellowship at the American Academy in Berlin. I knew I could use New York–based reporting as a framework for articles with national, even international, scope. My task was to put Virginia's case in a larger context.
I learned that 186,000 people were being deported from the United States in that year (2004), and 887,000 others had been required to make a "voluntary departure." In the 2010 fiscal year the annual "removals" figure reached a record 392,862. Yet no one kept track of exactly how many American children were being left behind. After consulting with demographers at the Pew Hispanic Center and the Urban Institute, however, I could confidently write that the number was in the tens of thousands. A spokesman for federal immigration services, William Strassberger, acknowledged the human fallout in a way that made Virginia's case resonate in the broader immigration debate and beyond. "There are millions of people who are illegally in the United States, and it's unfortunate, when they're caught, seeing a family split up," he said. "But the person has to be answerable for their actions." Parents had to decide whether to leave their American-born children with relatives or friends, or take them along when they were expelled from the country, he added, going so far as to evoke an image from the Nazi concentration camps: "People refer to that as a Sophie's choice situation," he told me.
Perhaps because I was steeped in the history of child welfare after writing The Lost Children of Wilder: The Epic Struggle to Change Foster Care, I was struck not only by the scale of this largely unrecorded phenomenon of family disruption but also by the lack of any official nod to "the best interest of the child"—a concept enshrined in family law, if not in child welfare practice. There is a rich clinical literature on the psychological damage suffered by children who lose an attachment figure. More recent longitudinal studies of immigrant students offer nuanced discussions of the ways family separations caused by migration affect children who are belatedly reunited with their parents in the United States. But in journalistic terms what the Virginia Feliz article really demanded was an academic study specifically tracking the impact of parental deportation on children left behind in the United States. My hurried search turned up nothing on point.
This is the classic catch-22 facing a reporter ahead of the curve: the fresher the story, the more editors want corroboration from authoritative voices and scholarly evidence—and the less likely readily available scholarship fits the bill. What served me best in this instance was research on transnational migration that focused on children left on the southern side of the border, whose distress certainly echoed that of children like Virginia. Through a lucky break, I reached Leah Schmalzbauer, a social anthropologist who had conducted a two-year research project on families split between Honduras and the United States. She helped me broaden my context further: The numbers were expected to swell, Schmalzbauer noted, because families in poor countries like Honduras could no longer manage without remittances from the United States, and women were beginning to replace men as the primary migrants, filling growing demands in the United States for low-cost elder care, domestic work, and other service jobs. In an article framed by an individual narrative, this observation served to point to the larger economic forces at work. At the same time, Schmalzbauer gave me the strong quote. I needed to connect the dots to Virginia's mother, who had...
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