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9780802865533: Introduction to the Synoptic Gospels

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In this book respected New Testament scholar Pheme Perkins delivers a clear, fresh, informed introduction to the earliest written accounts of Jesus -- Matthew, Mark, and Luke -- situating those canonical Gospels within the wider world of oral storytelling and literary production of the first and second centuries. Cutting through the media confusion over new Gospel finds, Perkins's Introduction to the Synoptic Gospels presents a balanced, responsible look at how the Gospels of Matthew, Mark, and Luke came to be and what they mean.

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Über die Autorin bzw. den Autor

Pheme Perkins is professor of New Testament in the TheologyDepartment at Boston College. Among her many publishedbooks are Reading the New Testament, Gnosticism and theNew Testament, Galatians and the Politics of Faith andPeter: Apostle for the Whole Church.

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Introduction to the Synoptic Gospels

By Pheme Perkins

William B. Eerdmans Publishing Company

Copyright © 2007 Pheme Perkins
All right reserved.

ISBN: 978-0-8028-6553-3

Contents

ABBREVIATIONS......................................................ixGENERAL BIBLIOGRAPHY...............................................xiINTRODUCTION.......................................................xiii1. What Is a Gospel?...............................................12. Books and Believers in Early Christianity.......................313. The Quest for Sources...........................................544. Reading Mark's Gospel...........................................1265. Reading Matthew's Gospel........................................1646. Reading Luke's Gospel...........................................2027. Gospels from the Second and Third Centuries.....................254INDEX OF MODERN AUTHORS............................................294INDEX OF SUBJECTS..................................................296INDEX OF ANCIENT SOURCES...........................................300

Chapter One

What Is a Gospel?

The Greek word translated "gospel," euangelion, did not refer to a type of literature or to a book in the first century. It had a more dynamic meaning, a proclamation of an event of major importance. For us that might resemble the breaking news headline that promises a story to follow. For the inhabitants of an ancient city, the word evoked the excitement of a messenger racing into town with news of the latest battle, or news that a new ruler had assumed the throne in a distant capital. The Jewish historian Josephus reports that when Vespasian became emperor of Rome "proclamations" (Greek euangelia) led to feasting and civic rejoicing (War 4.618). The Greek translators of the Hebrew Bible used the cognate verb, euangelizesthai, for the announcement of God's impending deliverance. A participle from this verb refers to the bearer of that message in Isaiah (40:9; 41:27; 52:7). Therefore "gospel" was a key term for Paul to speak of God's new, definitive deeds of salvation in Jesus Christ (Rom 1:1, 16).

As a designation for written works, the term "gospel" must be secondary to the accounts in which first-century Christian authors presented Jesus as the one who fulfilled such prophetic promises or as the "great king" in whom God's rule is embodied. Recognition that Gospels have been shaped by Christian faith in Jesus as God's Messiah continues to fuel debate over whether their authors had any interest in historical information about Jesus' life and teaching. Are we reading what is essentially a series of fictions about the founder of a new religious cult? Or do the Evangelists employ first-century ways of recounting the life and teaching of an important figure even as they make a case for believing Jesus to be the source of God's salvation? Comparing the Synoptic Gospels with other ancient "lives" makes a plausible case for regarding them as biographical rather than fictional in intent. That conclusion does not mean that they are investigative documentaries. Each author exercises considerable freedom in presenting the events of Jesus' life, his character, and his teaching. After presenting the case for the Gospels as ancient "lives," we will note two alternative views that consider Mark and Luke to have been shaped according to the model of ancient epics. A final note suggests that by the end of the second century most Christians accepted the four-Gospel canon as authoritative accounts of Jesus.

Ancient Biography

Mark 1:1 uses the word "gospel" in the Pauline sense of proclamation about Jesus. His Greek-speaking audience may have recognized christos as a translation for "Messiah" (= "anointed"). Or they may have considered "Christ" an additional name used to distinguish this Jesus from others called "Jesus." Some ancient manuscripts show that readers no longer recognized "Christ" as an indication of Jesus' dignity. Scribes add more familiar titles, "Son of God" or "Son of the Lord," to fill out the verse.

Mark's introduction could lead an ancient audience to expect a speech in praise of Jesus as Messiah or Son of God. Or they might expect an account of his great deeds such as one finds in inscriptions honoring the emperor. Neither a speech nor stories about deeds require a full biography, an account of the subject's ancestry, parents, education, and adult life. Whereas modern readers often look for problematic aspects of an individual's character in biographies, ancient readers anticipate idealized portraits of famous persons. Those familiar with Jewish Scriptures might compare this account of Jesus Messiah with depictions of famous figures like Abraham, Joseph, Moses, or Elijah. Some elements of ancient literary biography are not found in our Gospels. The author does not address the reader except in Luke's preface (Luke 1:1-4). Nor do the Evangelists defend evaluative judgments about their hero's deeds or teaching.

Should the Gospels be treated as a subcategory of the ancient literary genre "life"(Gk. bios)? Differences from other examples of the genre might be attributed to antecedents in oral proclamation or models in Jewish Scripture. Some scholars reject this solution. They either seek other examples in ancient narrative or treat the literary genre of the Gospels as sui generis. The pattern for subsequent Gospels was created by the first Evangelist who affixed a narrative containing deeds and sayings of Jesus to the passion account. Given the varied types of narrative in which lives of famous persons are recounted, it seems unnecessary to exclude the Gospels from the larger category of "life" or biography. Though modern readers value character development, the ancients assume that heroes exhibit a fixed character that embodies a philosopher's teaching or the values of a society.

Childhood stories demonstrate adult virtues. Jubilees, a second-century B.C.E. retelling of Genesis, has the teenage Abraham introduce an innovative plow design to save seed from being eaten by crows:

And the seed time arrived for sowing in the land. And they all went out together so that they might guard their seed from the crows. And Abram went out ... the lad was fourteen.... And he caused the cloud of crows to turn back seventy times in that day.... And his reputation was great in the land of Chaldea.... And they sowed their land and harvested in that year enough food.

And in the first year of the fifth week, Abram taught those who were making the implements for oxen, the skilled carpenters. And they made implements above the ground facing the handle of the plow so that they might place seed upon it. And the seed would go down within it to the point of the plow, and it would be hidden in the earth. And therefore they were not afraid of the crows. (Jubilees 11.18-24, trans. O. Wintermute in OTP 2: 79)

Abraham first excels in the ordinary method of preserving the seed. He then displays unusual wisdom in devising a way to avoid the problem altogether. The latter falls in the realm of fiction. Farmers continued to spread seed from a basket and then plow it under. Birds were an ever-present hazard, as Jesus' parable of the Sower indicates (Mark 4:3-8).

Philo (ca. 50 C.E.) describes the child Moses as more intelligent than teachers from both Egypt and the rest of the world:

He did not conduct himself as a young child ... but sought to hear and see whatever would benefit his soul. Teachers immediately came from different parts of the world.... But he repeatedly advanced beyond their abilities ... and indeed he himself proposed problems that were difficult for them to solve. (Life of Moses 1.21, my translation)

Jesus demonstrates a similar ability to confound the wisest adults in Luke's tale of the twelve-year-old quizzing Torah experts (Luke 2:41-51). Jewish readers certainly knew that the tales of Abraham and Moses were not taken from Torah. Imaginative developments that expand on a subject's life are not inappropriate to retelling the biblical story. Just as Genesis 12 only introduces Abraham when he leaves his ancestral land to follow the Lord, Mark's Gospel opens the story of Jesus when he leaves Nazareth to begin his mission from God. Both Luke and Matthew provide additional stories which indicate that Jesus was prepared for that activity from birth.

Biographical narratives about famous philosophers exhibit other features comparable to the Gospels. Some contain letters or other summaries which present basic teachings of the philosopher, as in Diogenes Laertius's life of Epicurus:

I will attempt to lay out his opinions in those works [a list of Epicurus' books] by quoting three of his letters which epitomize his whole philosophy. (Diogenes Laertius, Lives 10.28)

Epicurus to Menoeceus, greetings. The young person should not delay philosophizing, nor should someone who is old become tired of philosophizing. For it is never too early or too late to have a healthy soul. (10.122)

Diogenes concludes his account of Epicurus with a famous collection of maxims attributed to the philosopher. Either Epicurus, himself, or a follower had compiled a list of forty short sayings. These maxims may have been memorized by those engaged in philosophy to achieve happiness, for example:

2. Death is nothing for us, for when the body has dissolved, it has no sensations. And what has no feeling it is of no concern to us.

8. No pleasure is evil by itself, but the things that produce certain pleasures bring with them troubles many times worse than the pleasures. (10.139-54)

Episodes in the life of a philosopher or his manner of death also illustrated his message. Philosophers associated with the Cynic school were famous for poking fun at the pretensions of other philosophers. By training themselves to live without possessions, fine food, or social honors, these philosophers scorned the absurd behavior of most humans. They possessed as little as possible and wandered about preaching. Jesus' sayings on the homelessness of his disciples (Luke 9:57-62) might have reminded readers of the Cynic way of life. The conversion of a rich, young man, Crates, to Cynic philosophy provides other parallels to radical conversions in the gospel stories:

Antisthenes in his book, Successions, says that he [= Crates] was first inclined toward the Cynic philosophy when he saw Telephus in some tragedy carrying a small basket and being completely miserable. So he turned his property into cash — for he was from a prominent family. Then he distributed the proceeds, about 200 talents, among his fellow citizens.... Often some of his relatives would visit to try and get him to change his mind. He used to drive them away with his staff. He remained determined. (Diogenes Laertius, Lives 6.87-88)

Jesus' own disciples gave up their family ties and occupations to follow him (Mark 1:16-20). However, another rich young man is no Crates. He refuses to dispose of his property in order to follow Jesus (Mark 10:17-22). Crates' relatives failed to win him back from living and teaching philosophy. Jesus' relatives make a similar attempt (Mark 3:21-22, 31-35). Crates ends the encounter by using his staff, a Cynic trademark, to chase family away. Jesus' family cannot get near him because of the crowds. He resolves the situation by redefining family. The incident concludes with a saying which could stand on its own as a maxim: "Whoever does the will of God is my brother and sister and mother" (Mark 3:35).

If Jesus' teaching redefines what it means to "do the will of God" (Matt 6:10), then Jesus' death provides the culminating example of that message as one would expect. Jesus meets Peter's objection to a suffering Messiah by insisting that the cross is God's plan (Mark 8:33). He warns his followers that they too must suffer (Mark 8:34-37; Matt 5:11-12). Jesus' prayer in Gethsemane exemplifies appropriate submission to the will of God (Mark 14:35-36). Jesus' silence before those who taunt him by recalling the miraculous powers at work in his ministry (Mark 15:31b; Matt 27:41-43; Luke 23:35) shows the reader that he remains resolute.

Each Evangelist presents the story of those who taunt Jesus somewhat differently. Mark has bystanders employ false accusations from the proceeding before the Sanhedrin, a supposed claim on Jesus' part that he will destroy the Temple and raise it in three days (Mark 14:57-59; 15:28-29). Only the high priests and scribes refer to Jesus having saved others (15:31b). Those crucified with him join in the mockery (v. 32c). Luke has the people watching, but only the high priests, the soldiers, and one of the two crucified with Jesus engage in mockery. The other crucified criminal rebukes his fellow, appeals to Jesus, and receives a promise of salvation (Luke 23:35-43). Luke's tightly scripted narration demonstrates the saving power of Jesus' death. Matthew adds an echo of Wis 2:17-18 to the end of his account (Matt 27:43). The high priests have become the wicked who kill the Righteous One because they find his very presence obnoxious. The mockery itself has a scriptural antecedent in Ps 22:8-9. Such details are invisible to readers unfamiliar with the Bible, but for believers they demonstrate that Jesus' death is part of God's plan for salvation.

Such allusions cannot serve as evidence for the disinterested reader even when the authority of Scripture is invoked to support the Evangelist's understanding of Jesus as in the presentation of Jesus as Son of David (Luke 20:41-44). They create additional difficulties for historians. Modern investigative history would tag details in the Gospels that seem to be fitted to passages from the prophets or Psalms as fabricated or at least uncertain. Since we lack records or firsthand testimonies about exactly what happened during Jesus' passion, historians must piece together bits of information from similar situations and look for the narrative and theological interests of each Evangelist. Raymond Brown exhibits a suitably cautious approach to the scene of Jesus being mocked by those crucified with him:

There is no convincing reason to reject the assertion of the four evangelists that there were others crucified with Jesus, and it is not impossible that crude criminals would have expressed contempt for Jesus' religious pretensions. Yet Mark/Matt assign no direct words to this reviling of Jesus, and Luke 23:39 has one of the hanged wrongdoers use virtually the same words that appeared in the first and second mockeries. Surely then there was no precise memory about this reviling of Jesus and the dominant interest was to show the just maltreated by the unjust.

Just as we argue about what is a plausible historical scenario, the Evangelists employed their knowledge of Scripture to supplement traditions about Jesus' life and death. A life of God's Messiah would be expected to conform to biblical patterns. It need not have the same elements as the life of a great statesman, an emperor, or a philosopher.

Echoes of Scripture serve the same function as the evaluations of the subject that one finds in other ancient biographies. Accounts of an emperor's death can be scripted according to the author's evaluation of him. Suetonius depicts the aged Augustus taking care of his appearance, then saying farewell to friends, and asking after a sick daughter and, just before death, his wife, Livia (Suetonius, Augustus 99). A brief moment of terror is reinterpreted by the historian:

The only sign that his wits were wandering, just before he died, was his sudden cry of terror: "Forty young men are carrying me off!" But even this may be read as a prophecy rather than a delusion because forty Praetorians were to form the guard of honor that conveyed him to his lying in state.

Vespasian, depicted as a wit who could use a good line to deflect criticism, has an exit line for his own death: "I must be turning into a god" (Suetonius, Vespasian 23). Nero, by contrast, becomes increasingly confused, indecisive, and too cowardly even to commit suicide properly (Suetonius, Nero 47-49). Suetonius is the only source for the elaborate tale of Nero's last hours. The emperor's public self-display in the year prior to the revolt depicts what a recent biographer calls "an ever more resplendent aura of most unwarlike military glory ... the celebration of art and athletics with the celebration of war, ... a spectacle presented in a city turned for a day into a theater." It is hardly surprising that this atypical Roman would not die with the nobility befitting an emperor. Suetonius has decked out the dry facts of Nero's end with a drama of panic, flight, and ignoble death. Only the slightest respect is accorded the emperor. His head was not severed from the corpse for public display.

Even though the death of a Jewish hero such as Moses was set down in Scripture (Deuteronomy 34), later Jewish writers supplemented its sparse details. Philo of Alexandria suggests that as Moses was on the point of death, God transformed his soul and body into a single, pure being of mind. Moses' burial place was unknown because God exalted him into heaven — the appropriate end for one who was "king, lawgiver, high priest, and prophet" (Philo, Moses 2.288-91). In the first-century Testament of Moses, Moses is described as "that sacred spirit, worthy of the Lord, manifold and incomprehensible, master of leaders, faithful in all things, the divine prophet for the whole earth, the perfect teacher in the world" (11:16). Alan Segal concludes that by the first century Moses was widely thought to have been enthroned above the angels, as close to being deified as possible for any Jewish figure.

(Continues...)


Excerpted from Introduction to the Synoptic Gospelsby Pheme Perkins Copyright © 2007 by Pheme Perkins. Excerpted by permission of William B. Eerdmans Publishing Company. All rights reserved. No part of this excerpt may be reproduced or reprinted without permission in writing from the publisher.
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