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List of Figures and Tables................................................................ixList of Abbreviations.....................................................................xiPreface and Acknowledgments...............................................................xiiiCHAPTER ONE World Integration and Centrifugal Forces.....................................1CHAPTER TWO Definitions and Dynamics of Racial/Ethnic Mobilization.......................33CHAPTER THREE Escalation and De-escalation: Trends in the Data...........................78CHAPTER FOUR Globalization and Nonviolent Ethnic Protest, 1965-1989......................93CHAPTER FIVE Global Integration and Ethnic Violence, 1965-1989...........................116CHAPTER SIX Group Dynamics of Ethnic Protest and Conflict, 1980-1994.....................131CHAPTER SEVEN Globalization in a New Era: Ethnic Violence since 1989.....................152CHAPTER EIGHT Democracy, Ethnic Violence, and International War..........................169CHAPTER NINE Models Incorporating Endogeneity............................................196CHAPTER TEN Conclusions and Future Considerations........................................212Appendix A: Countries in the Analysis in Chapters 4-6.....................................235Appendix B: Countries in the Analysis in Chapters 7-9.....................................237References................................................................................240Name Index................................................................................259Subject Index.............................................................................264
Ethnic movements appear worldwide in different guises. Ethnic mayhem by Sudanese Muslim soldiers, ethnic cleansing in Bosnia, nonviolent civil rights marches in the United States, Qubcois separatism in Canada, Mexican-American protests in California for bilingual education, Protestant displays of patriotism in Northern Ireland, and regional autonomy movements in the Chiapas region of Mexico all provide challenges to social scientists attempting to explain the widespread occurrence of social movements based upon ethnic identity. While some of these movements have been peaceful, comparative research indicates that ethnic movements have contributed to the majority of violent conflicts among and within nation-states since World War II. Furthermore, some scholars warn that ethnic mobilization increasingly threatens the legitimacy and stability of the world's states.
What accounts for ethnic conflict, rebellions, and protest? Up until recently, most academic and policy research has tended to rely on explanations of ethnic movements that focus on the internal characteristics of states (such as economic inequality, weakness of regimes, and the absence of democracy). Such perspectives have come under scrutiny recently because they tend to reify existing states as the key actors in world politics and they miss the relational aspect of states and nonstate organizations as a system of interconnected actors (Glick Schiller and Wimmer 2003). To begin to rectify these problems, I start by asking if global forces have contributed to ethnic political movements organized around distinctive features of culture, heritage, and identity.
In this book I offer and test a new approach to ethnic mobilization that considers the interplay between global forces of integration and the political mobilization of ethnicity. While it has become accepted wisdom that the fates of different polities have become more intertwined (Keohane and Nye 1972; Risse-Kappen 1995; Boli and Thomas 1999), there are few systematic treatments of globalization and ethnic politics. Here I explore whether globalization and ethnic social movements are causally connected.
Recent theoretical advances by a number of sociologists and political scientists inform my strategy of focusing on the world level of analysis. Although there are differences and disagreements among scholarly studies on the impact of globalization, most researchers have emphasized the consequences of a densely connected system of economic and political links among states (Keohane and Milner 1996; J. Meyer, Boli, Thomas, and Ramirez 1997; Borstelmann 2001). These perspectives vary widely, from concern with world system position, to focus on impact of direct foreign investment, to interest in the legacy of the Cold War on international relations. Some scholars studying globalization take a political stand against globalization, while others are more analytically inclined. However, all of these perspectives share the growing recognition that international forces have produced a striking isomorphism among organizational forms found in institutions, constitutions, treaties, human rights, identity politics, and other social movements.
My work expands on these theories of globalization, international networks, and transnational social movements by suggesting that processes associated with globalization have intensified at the same time that ethnic conflict appears increasingly divisive (Barber 1996; Gurr 2000; Yashar 1999, 2001; Sambanis 2001). These theories have considered the impact of global forces on the internal politics of nation-states, organizations, social movements, and other political actors (Tarrow 2005). Globalization processes include networks of diplomatic ties and treaties, formal and informal trade and economic links, international economic aid and agreements, and non-governmental organizations and transnational advocacy networks that coordinate activities in multiple regions simultaneously.
By applying a global perspective here I theorize about the dynamics of forces that have repercussions across global, state, and local levels. Such forces exert pressure on political actors through economic trade networks, diplomatic ties, military interventions, and/or ideological/cultural institutions. World system theorists once proposed quite similar notions (see Wallerstein 1976; Boswell and Dixon 1990). For instance, world system perspectives focus on the role of stratification of different territorial regions as a single force. Although the world system approach is useful to some kinds of analyses of economic cycles (Arrighi and Silver 1999), one of its shortcomings is its tendency to slight important country or cultural variations and contexts that also constrain and empower nation-states and actors (Tarrow 2001). Because of this limitation, the theory cannot explain differences in form and variation in goals, magnitude of violence, success, and other outcomes within world system categories. To counter this tendency, I build on recent work on transnational social movements, politics, and activism (e.g., Risse-Kappen 1995; J. Smith, Chatfield, and Pagnucco 1997; Keck and Sikkink 1998; Gurowitz 1999; O'Brien et al. 2000; della Porta and Tarrow 2005), by including empirical analyses of organizational, state, and global processes, in an effort to identify the mechanisms that shape different paths of ethnic mobilization. Globalization also includes transnational diffusion processes, which result in the ability of events occurring in one country to affect their distant as well as proximate neighbors (e.g., see J. Smith 2004).
Globalization has taken on a number of different meanings,...
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