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From chapter 1: Shaping a Godly World
It’s a warm March evening in downtown Los Angeles, and the thunderous applause from inside the Kodak Theatre can be heard even out on the deserted red carpet on Hollywood Boulevard. The Academy Award for Best Picture has just been announced, and the jubilant director arrives at the podium. As he begins his obligatory thank-you speech, his cell phone rings. He sheepishly retrieves it from his pocket and glances at the number—and then to the astonishment of everyone, he quickly answers. “Hello, Mr. President,” he says with a broad smile. “Thank you very much. Yes, we did it.”
This is the dream of a man named Michael Farris, cofounder of the Home School Legal Defense Association (HSLDA) and chancellor of Patrick Henry College (PHC), the nation’s first college for homeschoolers— and what matters most about his vision is that the victorious movie director and the president of the United States are former homeschoolers and roommates at Patrick Henry College. Their conservative Christian upbringing and education have shaped much of their lives, and now they help shape the broader social and political culture in extraordinarily powerful ways.
Farris talks about this dream of his frequently as he strives to generate support and enthusiasm for homeschooling and PHC. While we have yet to see such a scene play out at the Oscars, the surge in homeschooling and the growing influence of its conservative Christian organizational apparatus is hard to miss. The most recent data from the National Center for Education Statistics attest to homeschooling’s continued rapid growth, measuring a 74 percent increase over eight years—twelve times the increase of public school students over the same period. There are probably around two million homeschooled children in the United States today, but the simple fact is that no one knows for sure. Nearly a fourth of states don’t even require parents to notify anyone if they homeschool their children, much less offer any sort of verification that they are doing so. Nationwide surveys almost certainly underreport the total numbers, as many homeschoolers are strongly opposed to any kind of governmental oversight of their efforts, and therefore refuse to participate in any data-gathering attempts.
This book explores the world of conservative Christian homeschooling, both in the day-to-day lives of families and in its broader aspirations to influence American culture and politics. What do homeschoolers do all day, and why do they do it? What makes these parents decide to homeschool in the first place? What do their children have to say about it? Do these kids learn to think for themselves, or are they herded into mirroring the beliefs and commitments of their parents? What do they learn about democratic citizenship and engaging with people who believe differently about important social and political issues? And are parents really focused on the goal of creating culture-shaping political leaders and movie directors?
While estimates vary widely, most observers acknowledge that conservative Christians constitute the largest subset of homeschoolers in the United States (the 2006 documentary film Jesus Camp uses a 75 percent figure, but this seems likely an exaggeration prompted by the dominant profile of groups such as HSLDA). I use the term conservative Christian for several reasons: while it includes most of those who would be labeled “fundamentalists,” it also extends to many evangelicals more broadly. The term conservative, however, alludes to a political as well as a theological perspective. While evangelicals hold political views across the spectrum, the families I spoke with, read about, and visited in their homes were far to the right politically—in some cases, they criticized Republican politicians and policies for not being conservative enough.
Nevertheless, it’s important to point out that conservative Christians are hardly the only ones to choose this educational path for their children. Support and advocacy organizations serve almost every demographic imaginable. A quick check online, for instance, lists groups for disabled, Jewish, Latino, Catholic, Seventh-day Adventist, Mormon, single-parent, vegan, Native American, African American, and Muslim homeschoolers (the latter two, among others, both claim to be the fastest growing segment of homeschoolers).
So if homeschoolers are actually quite a diverse bunch, why focus on conservative Christians? Admittedly, some of the “big questions” I explore in these pages relate to homeschooling more generally, such as what role (if any) the state should have in the education of children. But other vital issues—such as the value of ethical diversity, what it means to think for oneself, and the preparation of democratic citizens—gain an extra layer of complexity when deeply held religious convictions are involved. In addition, whether conservative Christians comprise two-thirds, onehalf, or even less of total homeschoolers, what seems beyond dispute is their disproportionate influence on public perception and rhetoric, and the ways in which HSLDA and state-level affiliates hold sway over much of the policy environment surrounding homeschooling. For better or worse (and some homeschoolers would clearly say the latter), the perpetual interplay of religious convictions and public life creates a complicated and combustible context wherein we continue to work out the shape and purpose of American education—and the meaning of democracy amidst diversity.
How did this educational phenomenon of homeschooling—what a former research analyst for the U.S. Department of Education called “one of the most significant trends of the past half century”—gain such momentum over the past thirty years? Most observers trace the origins of the modern homeschooling movement to a liberal critique of institutional schooling in the 1960s by writers such as A. S. Neill, founder of the alternative student-directed school Summerhill, and Ivan Illich, a cultural critic who advocated the dissolution of institutional schooling. Within the next decade, former schoolteacher John Holt had begun publishing Growing without Schooling, a magazine advocating a form of homeschooling commonly known as “unschooling.” Unschooling eschews most traditional structures of formal schooling, instead letting children decide what to learn, when to learn it, and how. At its core, unschooling rests on a philosophical belief that children learn best when the focus and course of study emerge in response to natural interests and needs. While John Holt died in 1985, the organization that bears his name estimates that unschoolers comprise about 10 percent of the total homeschool population.
Holt was not the only educator challenging institutional schooling during that time. In a 1972 Harper’s article titled “The Dangers of Early Schooling,” educational researcher Raymond Moore questioned the “race to the schoolhouse” and, over the next decade, made a case for abandoning schools altogether in favor of homeschooling. Like Holt, Moore also criticized institutional schooling for its standardization and impersonality, but whereas Holt’s philosophy of unschooling let the child and her interests determine the pace and direction of her learning, Moore emphasized the importance and authority of parents in the educational process. Regardless of which philosophy they favored, parents who chose to homeschool during the 1970s did so surreptitiously, since most states’ laws were unclear regarding its legality. A series of court challenges...
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