Contributors. Kevin Brownlee, Marina Scordilis Brownlee, Elizabeth Clark, Valeria Finucci, Dale Martin, Gianna Pomata, Maureen Quilligan, Nancy Siraisi, Peter Stallybrass,Valerie Traub
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Valeria Finucci is Associate Professor of Italian at Duke University. She is the editor of Renaissance Transactions: Ariosto and Tasso, also published by Duke University Press and the author of The Lady Vanishes.
Kevin Brownlee is Professor of French and Italian at the University of Pennsylvania and the author of Poetic Identity in Guillaume de Machau.
"[This book's] ensemble of motifs is not simply cast in currently fashionable psychoanalytical language. It displays a wide array of critical perspectives yet a homogeneity of viewpoints and ideological bents occur through its disparate contributions. A truly unified piece of scholarship."-- Giuseppe F. Mazzotta, author of "The Worlds of Petrarch"
Generation, Degeneration, Regeneration: Original Sin and the Conception of Jesus in the Polemic between Augustine and Julian of Eclanum ELIZABETH A. CLARK * * *
While he was still speaking to the people, behold, his mother and his brothers stood outside, asking to speak to him. But he replied to the man who told him, "Who is my mother, and who are my brothers?" And stretching out his hand toward his disciples, he said, "Here are my mother and my brothers! For whoever does the will of my Father in heaven is my brother, and sister, and mother." -Matt. 12:46-50
... the father of Joseph, the husband of Mary, of whom Jesus was born, who is called Christ.-Matt. 1:16 Jesus, when he began his ministry, was about thirty years of age, being the son (as was supposed) of Joseph.-Luke 3:23
Who can declare his generation?-Isaiah 53:8
I
Who, indeed, were Jesus' father and mother? Most early Catholic Christians answered "God" and "Mary," the latter deemed a virgin at the time she conceived Jesus, but whose sexual and marital status after Jesus' birth was a matter of considerable debate. The decade-long polemic between Augustine of Hippo and his Pelagian opponent, Julian of Eclanum, in the early fifth century proved important in defining for the later Latin West why Jesus' "father" was divine and his mother, human but virginal. Although Elizabeth Cady Stanton (and doubtless many other moderns) have expressed dissatisfaction with the incoherence of the Gospel accounts of Jesus' genealogy and birth ("If a Heavenly Father was necessary, why not a Heavenly Mother? If an earthly Mother was admirable, why not an earthly Father? ... These Biblical mysteries and inconsistencies are a great strain on the credulity of the ordinary mind."), the Christian confession of divine paternity and human maternity was in Augustine's view not only founded on scriptural revelation but was also in accord with ideas concerning human generation and degeneration implied in his theory of original sin.
The earliest Christian writings we possess-Paul's letters-testify to the author's preoccupation with sin and its origin. Particularly in his letter to the Romans, Paul noted the seeming universality of sinfulness, the "war in the members" that pits the "flesh" against the "spirit" of all humans. In Romans 5, Paul wrote that "sin came into the world through one man and death through sin, and so death spread to all men because all men sinned"-words that could be interpreted to mean that all men followed Adam in sinning and brought death upon themselves as a punishment for their sins. Yet Paul used the phrases "if many died through one man's trespass" and "if, because of one man's trespass, death reigned through that one man"-words that could be interpreted to mean that there was a causal effect between Adam's sin and that of later humans (Rom. 5:12, 15, 17). The latter interpretation was bolstered by an early Latin translation implying that death came to all not "because" or "in that" all humans sinned, but because of the sin of him "in whom" we all sinned (i.e., Adam). Although Paul does not so much highlight the responsibility of Adam for all future human sin in contrast to the divine gift of forgiveness with human waywardness, his authoritative words set the stage for discussions by various church fathers that connected our sinfulness and our deaths, somewhat vaguely, with Adam's. Within the Latin patristic tradition, Cyprian and Ambrose stand as two precursors whose reflections on the topic were to influence Augustine, yet neither theologian tightly tied the notion of original sin to a biological process. This task was left to Augustine, whose developed theory was refined in the process of debate with Pelagius and his followers after 412 c.e.
This essay details the development of the polemic between Augustine and the "second-generation" Pelagian bishop, Julian of Eclanum, against the background of religious and ethical issues of the late fourth and early fifth century-issues that could prompt accusations of heresy. In the course of the debate over original sin and its implications for the evaluation of marriage and reproduction, questions of anthropology, late ancient biology, and the status of Jesus were raised and contested. Although these debates are little known outside the rather narrow circle of scholars who study late ancient Christianity, they were formative for all later Christian teaching on sexuality, reproduction, and the confession of Jesus' sinlessness.
II
Long before Augustine encountered Pelagius, however, he had done battle with a form of Manicheanism that flourished among small circles of the intellectual elite in the Latin West. Augustine's early, postconversion years as a Christian were marked by his opposition to Manichean determinism. Himself a former Manichean, Augustine wished as a Catholic to distance himself from the Manichean assignment of human wrongdoing to the power of darkness that allegedly overtook the human person: thus the Manichean "I" was not responsible. Augustine's first writings as a Catholic Christian, by contrast, stressed the power of human free will and individual responsibility for one's actions: his early treatise that proclaimed this message, On Free Will, would in later decades be thrown in his face by his Pelagian opponents who cited it to oppose his mature predestinarian theory. In the mid-390s, however, Augustine began to study the Pauline writings more closely. Once he had appropriated Paul's notion of universal human sinfulness, he was on his way to constructing a theory of predestination that emerged in fully developed form only in the second decade of the fifth century.
The first stage of Augustine's conflict with Pelagians centered on the interpretation of God's goodness and justice in relation to human sin, on "free will" and "grace," for short. Nonetheless, even in Augustine's first anti-Pelagian treatise, On the Merits and Remission of Sins, dated to 412 c.e., the themes of his later debate with Julian of Eclanum-sexuality, marriage, and generation-are present. Augustine here claims that original sin is manifested in the "disobedient excitation of the members" that ensures all children will be born with "concupiscence," that an "injury" is transferred to infants through the "sinful flesh" of those who produce them. We infer from this treatise that already by 412, Pelagians had posed the questions with which Augustine would wrestle in his debate with Julian: Why do regenerated Christians not produce regenerated children? Why do humans still die (on Augustine's theory, a punishment for original sin) if we have remission of sins through Christ? Is the soul propagated with the body or not-and if not, how is sin, which pertains to the soul, transmitted?
During the next few years, Augustine had much opportunity to reflect on the sin committed in the Garden of Eden. His most famous statement of the matter...
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Zustand: as new. Durham : Duke University Press, [2001]. Orig. cloth binding. vii,336 pp. - This distinctive collection explores the construction of genealogies-in both the biological sense of procreation and the metaphorical sense of heritage and cultural patrimony. Focusing specifically on the discourses that inform such genealogies, Generation and Degeneration moves from Greco-Roman times to the recent past to retrace generational fantasies and discords in a variety of related contexts, from the medical to the theological, and from the literary to the historical.The discourses on reproduction, biology, degeneration, legacy, and lineage that this book broaches not only bring to the forefront concepts of sexual identity and gender politics but also show how they were culturally constructed and reconstructed through the centuries by medicine, philosophy, the visual arts, law, religion, and literature. The contributors reflect on a wide range of topics-from what makes men "manly" to the identity of Christ's father, from what kinds of erotic practices went on among women in sixteenth-century seraglios to how men's hemorrhoids can be variously labeled. Essays scrutinize stories of menstruating males and early writings on the presumed inferiority of female bodily functions. Others investigate a psychomorphology of the clitoris that challenges Freud's account of lesbianism as an infantile stage of sexual development and such topics as the geographical origins of medicine and the materialization of genealogy in the presence of Renaissance theatrical ghosts.This collection will engage those in English, comparative, Italian, Spanish, and French studies, as well as in history, history of medicine, and ancient and early modern religious studies.Contributors. Kevin Brownlee, Marina Scordilis Brownlee, Elizabeth Clark, Valeria Finucci, Dale Martin, Gianna Pomata, Maureen Quilligan, Nancy Siraisi, Peter Stallybrass,Valerie Traub. Condition : as new copy. ISBN 9780822326557. Keywords : CULTURAL STUDIES, Bestandsnummer des Verkäufers 285067
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