Historian Harry Gailey offers a fresh one-volume treatment of the vast Pacific theater in World War II, examining in detail the performance of Japanese and Allied naval, air, and land forces in every major military operation. The War in the Pacific begins with an examination of events leading up to World War II and compares the Japanese and American economies and societies, as well as the chief combatants' military doctrine, training, war plans, and equipment. The book then chronicles all significant actions - from the early Allied defeats in the Philippines, the East Indies, and New Guinea; through the gradual improvement of the Allied position in the Central and Southwest Pacific regions; to the final agonies of the Japanese people, whose leaders refused to admit defeat until the very end. Gailey gives detailed treatment to much that has been neglected or given only cursory mention in previous surveys. The reader thus gains an unparalleled overview of operations, as well as many fresh insights into the behind-the-scenes bickering between the Allies and the interservice squabbles that dogged MacArthur and Nimitz throughout the war.
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Harry A. Gailey was a professor emeritus of military history at San Jose State University. He authored 20 books, including MacArthur Strikes Back, The War in the Pacific, and The Liberation of Guam. He died in 2004.
Chapter 1
Roots of Conflict
THE ATTACK ON Pearl Harbor on 7 December 1941 was the climax of nearly a half century of rivalry between Japan and the United States in the Far East. This competition, not always clearly recognized by the U.S. government, nevertheless existed even in the most quiescent periods and was clearly understood by a succession of Japanese civilian and military leaders, particularly after World War I. This differential attitude toward domination of the vast land areas of Asia was one factor that predetermined the first years of the conflict during World War II. America’s isolationism, general ignorance of the situation in the Far East, arrogance, and—in the late 1930s—concern with developments in Europe all contributed to its woeful lack of preparation to meet the well-planned and executed simultaneous attacks against preselected targets by the Japanese military.
Japanese and American planners in the first part of the twentieth century viewed the Pacific region as an adjunct to the main area of concern. It was obvious to Japanese military planners that at some future date the United States might interfere militarily and endanger Japanese goals on the Asian mainland. In such an eventuality it would be necessary for the Japanese navy to intercept and destroy any American Pacific fleet units near Japanese home waters. American plans regarding the Pacific were never as clear. Most of the United States’s Far Eastern and Pacific military and diplomatic activities could be called mere posturing. The earliest example of this was the dispatch of the Great White Fleet on its around the world cruise in 1907, a blatant announcement that the United States had become a major power. Certainly one of President Theodore Roosevelt’s goals was to overawe Japan, the new Asian military power. Although not as obvious, much of the American government’s activity in the Pacific in the following years was confused, and the amorphous goals enunciated from time to time were not backed by a military presence that could assure their realization if opposed by another major power.
Much of the antipathy between the United States and Japan prior to Japan’s invasion of Manchuria in 1931 was synthetic. There were no areas where Japanese interests in Asia and the Pacific, either economic or military, conflicted directly with those of the United States. Despite this, feelings of distrust and suspicion continued to grow after the Japanese victory over Russia in 1905. Japanese expansionists believed that the very presence of the United States in the Far East would prevent Japan from dominating China and Manchuria. To bolster this logical construct, increasingly vitriolic anti-American propaganda was spouted in government circles and in the media. The Washington disarmament conference, which assigned Japan only three-fifths of the capital ship tonnage of Britain and the United States, was seen as further evidence that Japan was being purposely kept weak so that the Western powers could thwart Japan’s aims in Asia and the Pacific.
The Japanese government’s defensive attitude prior to World War II had some substance in history, although Japanese leaders later overexaggerated American and European hostility. Japan, a divided feudal kingdom closed to the outside world for centuries, had—in a single generation after being forced to deal with foreigners—become the most technologically advanced state in Asia. The Meiji Revolution produced a centralized state and in 1889 established the framework of a Western style parliamentary regime with a two-house legislature and a ministry appointed by Emperor Mutsuhito. Copying the best examples available in Europe and the United States, the government helped entrepreneurs create a firm modern industrial base.
Three Italian-made looms imported in 1868 gave rise to lucrative textile manufacturing in Japan, which was for many years the nation’s basic industry. Over the next two decades chemical, iron, and machine-tool industries were brought to Japan. By 1895 there were more than six thousand factories in the islands, and more than twenty thousand by the eve of World War I. The organization of these businesses followed the German model: they were large holding companies (zaibatsu) controlled by important families, run by professional managers, and backed by massive government support. The imperial family was a major stockholder in the Bank of Japan, as well as many of the major industries.
By the early twentieth century, the foreign commerce of the newly industrial Japan was worth $250 million, a tenfold increase from the mid-1870s. Japanese exports were thus in competition for markets with those from Europe. Needing secure markets as well as raw materials, the Japanese turned to the Asian mainland as the logical place to secure both. In so doing, this newfound Japanese economic imperialism was not only resisted by the Chinese government, but collided with the more well established European powers, which had rendered the moribund Peking aristocracy almost helpless.
The Japanese were excellent imitators in diplomacy as well as in the more mundane areas of industrial and economic development. They recognized that past European economic goals had been assured by the threat of and blatant use of military force, so they decided to emulate the Europeans in this regard. One important aspect of the Meiji Revolution was the transformation of a feudalistic warrior society into one in which men of all classes were expected to serve the state. Importing the best instructors from continental Europe, the Japanese government created a national army whose training and tactics were copied from the Germans. In 1871, a general staff modeled upon the Prussian system was created. The new army purposely retained many of the rules of honor and devotion that had governed the samurai. Officer training was provided by the Department of Military Training. The officer corps was dominated by young aristocrats of the Choshu and Satsuma clans, and this dominance would continue until after World War I, when more sons of shopkeepers and small farmers rose to higher rank. The new army, highly disciplined and totally obedient to the purported wishes of the emperor, had grown to 180,000 regular and 600,000 reserve soldiers by 1904. This army, modern in weaponry and tactics, was unique in its adherence to the more archaic concepts that had motivated an earlier warrior society.
The Japanese government realized that to carry out expansionist plans, or even to defend the home islands, a navy would be necessary. It was an age when the ideas of the American naval theorist, RAdm. Alfred Thayer Mahan, had great favor with military planners throughout the world. The Japanese eagerly accepted the notion that to be a great power in an increasingly industrialized world, a state needed a powerful navy. As with the army, the Japanese turned to the most advanced European state for assistance. The British provided instructors for the new naval academy and the Japanese modified British training methods to meet their special needs. Furthermore, British shipyards at first provided naval vessels for Japan, then later helped the Japanese construct shipyards, gun factories, and the hundreds of supporting industries needed to build complex, modern fighting ships. After depending upon Britain for its merchant ships and warships in the early stages of armament, by 1900 Japan had modern facilities at Yokosuka capable of building and repairing large modern ships. Its gun factory could manufacture 12-inch naval rifles.
The 1890s witnessed naval construction at an unprecedented rate in all western states. The drive for an efficient blue-water U.S. Navy began at this time, and even...
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