Masters of Political Science (ECPR Press, Band 1) - Softcover

 
9780955820335: Masters of Political Science (ECPR Press, Band 1)

Inhaltsangabe

A tour of the fundamental contributions made by eleven of the most important European and American political scientists of the postwar period. All of these individuals have significantly contributed to the advancement of political knowledge through a cumulation of knowledge and falsifying theories. Overall, Masters of Political Science provides an excellent portrait of the achievements of political science over the past forty years, a required resource for students and professors alike.

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Edited by Donatella Campus and Gianfranco Pasquino

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Masters of Political Science

By Donatella Campus, Gianfranco Pasquino

ECPR Press

Copyright © 2009 Campus and Pasquino
All rights reserved.
ISBN: 978-0-9558203-3-5

Contents

Introduction Donatella Campus and Gianfranco Pasquino,
Chapter 1 – Robert Dahl: The Democratic Polyarchy Domenico Fisichella,
Chapter 2 – Anthony Downs: Master of Many Models Ian Budge,
Chapter 3 – David Easton: The Theory of the Political System Dieter Fuchs and Hans-Dieter Klingemann,
Chapter 4 – S. E. Finer: The Erudite Individualist Hans Daalder,
Chapter 5 – Samuel P. Huntington: Political Order and the Clash of Civilizations Gianfranco Pasquino,
Chapter 6 – Juan J. Linz: An Intellectual and Personal Biography of the 'Maestro-Compositore' Philippe C. Schmitter,
Chapter 7 – Seymour Martin Lipset: Modernisation, Social Structure and Political Culture as Factors in Democratic Thought Ursula Hoffmann-Lange,
Chapter 8 – Giovanni Sartori: Democracy, Parties, Institutions Gianfranco Pasquino,
Chapter 9 – Sidney Verba: His Voice Keiko Ono and Clyde Wilcox,
Chapter 10 – Aaron Wildavsky: Civic Passion and Scientific Commitment Giorgio Freddi,
Chapter 11 – Morgenthau: Political Theory and Practical Philosophy Angelo Panebianco,


CHAPTER 1

Robert Dahl: The Democratic Polyarchy

Domenico Fisichella


ANALYSIS OF THE CONDITIONS

Anyone looking back over the intellectual itinerary of Robert A. Dahl is struck by the constant reappearance of two themes that are present throughout the entire production of this American political scientist. The first theme inspires much of his subject matter. 'The First Problem of Politics – how citizens can keep their rulers from becoming tyrants' is pronounced by Dahl in Politics, Economics and Welfare, which was written with Charles E. Lindblom (Dahl and Lindblom 1953: 273). This statement, thanks to the lofty tone imparted by the use of capitals and the syntactical rhythm reminiscent of that of ancient pronouncements, would seem even from a stylistic point of view, to descend directly from the problems as posed in classical political thinking. The second theme is found in his intention to place the theories he develops within the context of a scientific investigation of advanced hypotheses. In fact, at the methodological level, Dahl wishes rigidly to interpret the requirements of analysis in modern methodological criticism. The weaving together of the two themes – the classical inspiration and the attempt at an advanced method – gives rise to a singular combination, of which we will try to examine certain fundamental elements.

The volume produced by Dahl and Lindblom is one of the first systematic attempts of the two disciplines of political science and economics to work together (an approach repeated many times in Dahl's later production) and of the reciprocal use of interpretive models created within the two sectors. Published in 1953, this book appeared after Capitalism, Socialism and Democracy by Schumpeter, which came out in 1942, but preceded Anthony Downs' The Economic Theory of Democracy, by four years.

The subject of the book is the development of a new concept of 'plan', assuming the definition of plan to be 'a rationally calculated action to achieve a goal', (1953: xx) and therefore taking for granted that an economic policy based on a plan can be enacted not only in a collective logic but also within a market economy. What is important is to verify the prerequisites for rational social action, on the one hand postulating a group of social ends, and on the other examining a group of social processes, which are instrumental (or means) for the furtherance of the ends advanced. The rationality of the action is dependent on the suitability of the means to the ends (the rational calculation of the means), and the more the ends can be 'maximized' the more the means will be able to ensure the achievement of the ends themselves.

There are essentially two problems that emerge from such a stance. First, there is a problem of incompatibility – beyond empirically ascertainable limits – between the ends of social action. Let us look at the political systems of the Western area. The two authors list seven fundamental ends as being typical of the area: freedom, rationality, democracy, subjective equality, security, progress, appropriate inclusion (1953: 25). Each of these represents a 'value' for western political culture, which aspires towards their increase. Now, the observation is that the achievement of all these goals simultaneously gives rise to problems that are irresolvable both as regards structural balances and also the availability of the means themselves. Beyond certain limits for example, the maximization of rationality becomes contradictory to the goal of maximizing equality. The same is true for freedom and security, and so on.

The second problem arises from the consideration that not all the social processes hypothesised as means for the achievement of the ends are available and can be used to the same extent for all the ends. The social processes appropriate to the maximization of the value of rationality are not necessarily 'good' as instruments for the fulfilment of the values of freedom or equality. Not only this. Given that the existence of each social process requires certain essential conditions, this entails that not all the means are available and present at the same time (and even less so in high concentrations) as in no social context do the conditions exist for the simultaneous flourishing of a large number of means. From this assumption it follows that – compared to the variety of ends – in each given situation there would tend to be a scarcity of means.

To summarize: a) the ends of social action are manifold, and beyond certain levels of increase, contradictory; b) the means, on the other hand, are scarce and not all appropriate to all of the ends. This being the status quaestionis, how is the scientific discussion on politics defined within the perspective of the two authors? It is defined as the analysis of the conditions. More precisely, this is the analysis of the conditions for the selection of the values or the ends, which do not become 'maximized' only on the basis of the criteria of which is preferable, but rather on the basis of the criteria of availability of the means. And, it is also the analysis of the conditions that favour certain means rather than others.

But what are the means of social action? Dahl and Lindblom distinguish between four fundamental social processes. The first is the price system. The second is the control by leaders, or the hierarchy. The third is the control among leaders, which takes the form of negotiating or bargaining. The fourth, lastly, is the control of the leaders from above, which is termed 'polyarchy'. At this point the problem that was initially considered in terms of economic policy becomes a subject matter for political scientists. In fact, if preventing rulers from becoming tyrants is the fundamental problem of politics, it is the polyarchy which represents the concrete solution (1953: 275).

The concept of polyarchy is essential for an understanding of the intellectual history of Robert Dahl, and I will discuss the word itself later on. The word crops up in all the works of the American scholar, though not always with exactly the same connotations, and there is no doubt that in the work co-authored with Lindblom...

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