Values in Foreign Policy: Investigating Ideals and Interests covers all aspects of the tension between values and national priorities, with specific reference to the leading countries of today. The volume explores the effect of the enlightenment, colonialism, modernity and post-modernity in determining contemporary value systems which are often uncomfortable in their interface with each other. This book, written in accessible, non-technical language, will be of interest and benefit to policy-makers and practitioners of foreign policy, as well as the academic community. It will be equally valuable to anyone interested in international relations. Written by specialists in the field of foreign relations, this is the closest examination ever made of the impulses which drive the foreign policies of the world's most important countries, touching on the legacies of religion, civilization, culture and history.
Companion website: http://www.foreignpolicy.org.in/home/
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Krishnan Srinivasan is a former Indian Foreign Secretary.
James Mayall is Emeritus Professor of International Relations at Cambridge University and fellow of the British Academy.
Sanjay Pulipaka is Senior Fellow at the Nehru Museum and Library and adviser to ICRIER, New Delhi.
Abbreviations, xvii,
Foreword: The Role of Values in Foreign Policy Robert D. Kaplan, xxi,
Introduction: Values and Foreign Policy Krishnan Srinivasan, James Mayall, Sanjay Pulipaka, 1,
1 Values in European Foreign Policies: Defending the Enlightenment in Troubled Times James Mayall, 19,
2 Values and European Foreign Economic Policy: Ideas, Institutions and Interests Fredrik Erixon, 35,
3 Values in German Foreign Policy: How Changes of Course Created Lasting Values Amit Das Gupta, 47,
4 Values in US Foreign Policy: 'America First' Meets the Pro-Democracy State William J. Antholis, 63,
5 Reflections on Values in Western Foreign Policy: From the Liberal World Order to Antithetical Values Bruno Maçaes, 81,
6 Values in Russian Foreign Policy: Soviet Values, Revisionism and President Putin Hari Vasudevan and Tatiana Shaumyan, 95,
7 Islamic Values in Foreign Policy: Perspectives on 'Secular' Turkey and 'Islamic' Iran Mehmet Ozkan and Kingshuk Chatterjee, 115,
8 Values in Indian Foreign Policy: Lofty Ideals Give Way to Parochial Pragmatism Krishnan Srinivasan, 135,
9 Values in Myanmar's Foreign Policy: Neutralism, Isolationism and Multi-Engagement Sanjay Pulipaka and Chaw Chaw Sein, 155,
10 Values in Indonesian Foreign Policy: Independent and Active Doctrine Dewi Fortuna Anwar, 175,
11 Values in Chinese Foreign Policy: Culture, Leadership and Diplomacy Zhang Lihua, 193,
12 Values in South Korean Foreign Policy: Search for New Identity as a 'Middle Power' Lee Seong-hyon, 209,
13 Values in Japanese Foreign Policy: Between 'Universal Values' and the Search for Cultural Pluralism Tadashi Anno, 227,
14 Reflections on Values in Asian Foreign Policy: ASEAN's Three Principles Ravi Velloor, 251,
Index, 271,
About the Contributors, 291,
Values in European Foreign Policies
Defending the Enlightenment in Troubled Times
James Mayall
The two questions I seek to answer in this chapter are, first, whether European foreign policies are grounded in values as well as interests, and second, whether as most European governments would claim, their values are universal rather than an expression of a particular, and as viewed from other parts of the world, parochial civilization. At first sight, these questions might seem distinctly odd to anyone not versed in the arcane debates of international political and legal theory and diplomatic practice. After all, no one would consider it worth asking if a country's education or health or pensions policy reflected its values. These values might be contested between political parties, but the fact that they are expressions of a government's fundamental beliefs about how the country should be governed would normally be regarded as self-evident. Why then should it be any different with foreign policy?
The answer is that foreign policy immediately comes up against the sovereignty of other states. In this respect, it is quite unlike education, health or any other domestic policy. In these areas the government has both legal authority and, in theory at least, the power to implement whatever policy it chooses. By contrast, in foreign policy while most governments could probably agree that their objective should be to provide both security and prosperity for the people, they have no legal authority to pursue these goals in other countries without the consent of those governments, established either by custom or in accordance with bilateral and/or multilateral treaties and agreements. In addition, if political or coercive pressure is employed in their pursuit, it runs the risk of being counter-productive, since it may well be interpreted as a blatant violation of the non-interference principle, a key entailment of sovereignty. This is a particular problem for Western states (i.e., European countries and those of European settlement in the Americas and elsewhere) because having dominated international society since the mid-seventeenth century until very recently, they tend to regard the twenty-first century iteration of their values – a belief in democracy, the rule of law, the protection of individual human rights and the maintenance of an open economy except when national security is deemed to require protection – as providing the standard to which all countries should aspire. Since the world is very diverse and involvement in global international relations necessarily involves them in doing business with countries that may not share these values, the assumption of universality immediately opens them to charges of hypocrisy and double standards.
RELATIONSHIP OF VALUES TO FOREIGN POLICY
Not only is the issue of foreign policy values unavoidable; it is also a peculiarly modern problem with its origins in the period in which the great powers have competed not merely militarily – as great powers have done throughout history – but ideologically, to establish a universal blueprint for modernity itself. When the world was largely run by dynastic or military empires plus a few oligarchic city states, everyone pursued his or her interests unashamedly and it has to be said often brutally, especially where the pursuit of power was closely allied with religious domination or economic exploitation. This did not prevent the Europeans eventually developing an international order based on sovereignty, the rule of law, diplomatic recognition and privilege, and the management of the central balance by the great powers. In a sense this earlier version of European foreign policy values – it is, after all, the one that most obviously underpins the United Nations (UN) Charter and most contemporary international organizations – causes less of a problem to the rest of the world than the more recent liberal internationalist version, which reaches far deeper inside the social and cultural organization of different societies.
This more recent iteration has dominated European and European Union (EU) foreign policy debate since the end of the Cold War, although it too has a more venerable genealogy, and one which, as a result of its paradoxical links with European imperialism, is regarded with considerable suspicion in much of the former colonial world. Nonetheless, because its roots are sociological as much as political, it will be difficult to dislodge. Until well after the French and American Revolutions, only the political élite was seriously involved in politics, at home let alone abroad, so that while personal and even state honour may on occasions have been an important issue, ethics in an abstract sense was not. Once the consent of the governed is formally recognized as the source of political legitimacy, foreign policy has to be attached to the ethical foundations on which that consent has been built. This requirement is even less discretionary in the case of the EU than its member states, since the organization is a hybrid entity, neither a state nor a conventional inter-governmental organization, constructed on the basis of treaties and identifying itself through legal cooperation among a group of democratic states.
Three other issues complicate the relationship of values to European foreign policies, although none is obviously merely a European problem....
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