Democratization is a field where unexpected and sudden events have repeatedly challenged conventional wisdom. For example, who in the mid-1970s would have foreseen the democratization of Cambodia, Albania, South Africa or East Timor? Our current ‘wave’ of democratization is complex and diverse and understanding it requires a variety of theoretical approaches.
Most of the literature on democracy assumes that it is the best form of government. Theoretical works on democratic transition and democratization have also emphasized the internal conflict resolution capacity of democracy. It has been reasoned that democracy reduces the likelihood of discrimination, especially of ethno-political minorities, and thus the possibility of political repression. However, the democratic peace theory has not been explicitly tested with reference to third world post-colonial states, where most internal violent conflicts take place. Certainly, there is a dearth of practical advice for policy makers on how to design and implement democratic levers that can make internal peace and stability endure in the South.
This volume, drawing on the work of a variety of scholars, will contribute to identifying and understanding the challenges and opportunities of this ‘democratization project’ to the peace and development of the world both at the domestic level in selected countries, trends in regions of the world, and in the global system of the post-Cold War Era.
This volume, drawing on the work of a variety of scholars, contributes to identifying and understanding the challenges and opportunities presented by the current wave of democratization to the peace and development of the world both at the domestic level in selected countries, trends in regions of the world, and in the global system of the post-Cold War Era.
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Edited by Ashok Swain, Ramses Amer and Joakim Öjendal
List of Tables, vii,
List of Figures, ix,
Acknowledgements, xi,
Contributors, xiii,
1. The Democratization Project: Peace, Conflict and Development Ashok Swain, Ramses Amer and Joakim Öjendal, 1,
2. Non-Authorized Military Interventions and Legitimization by the United Nations Ramses Amer, 17,
3. From Condemnation to Legitimization of Outcome: The United Nations and the Use of Force in Inter-State Relations Patrik Johansson and Ramses Amer, 39,
4. Demos or Deus: Patterns of Religious Dimensions in Asian Armed Conflicts, 1945–2005 Isak Svensson and David Rangdrol, 67,
5. The Left and Democratic Consolidation – Deepening Democracy in Latin America? Martin Nilsson, 87,
6. Democracy Without People? – The Risk of Monopolizing the Democratization Project Luz Paula Parra-Rosales, 105,
7. The Role of Hamas in Building Palestinian Democracy in the Midst of Violence Michael Schulz, 113,
8. Elections and Violence in Sri Lanka: Understanding Variation Across Three Parliamentary Elections Kristine Höglund, 135,
9. Post-Accord Elections and Armed Conflict Anna K. Jarstad, 153,
10. Peace Through Democracy? The Challenges of Postwar Democratization in Weak and War-Torn States Thomas Ohlson and Mimmi Söderberg Kovacs, 165,
THE DEMOCRATIZATION PROJECT: PEACE, CONFLICT AND DEVELOPMENT
Ashok Swain, Ramses Amer and Joakim Öjendal
Introduction and Context
In 1974, starting with the arrival of democracy in Portugal, more than 60 countries in Europe, Latin America, Asia, and Africa have made transitions from authoritarianism to some form of democracy. Democracy has now become the dominant form of government in the world. Its appeal and popularity is more widespread than ever before. Many political struggles are increasingly being fought in different parts of the world in the name of democracy. The democratic development in many of these newly democratic countries has often been sluggish, turbulent and marked by regular reversals. Though performance of many of these democracies continues to be disappointing, the cases of complete reversal from democracy to authoritarian rule are very few. In the last century, the per cent of global population living in democratic countries has increased from 12 per cent in 1900 to 63 per cent in 2000. A near consensus has now been achieved among decision-makers and academics alike on the virtues of democracy. Besides freedom and prosperity, successful democratization is argued to bring peace and security to unstable regions of the world.
This global trend relates mainly to developments within individual countries or within a number of countries, i.e., the internal or domestic developments. If 'democracy' is interpreted as a particular system of governance, this approach may be adequate. However, if, as has been the case the last decades, democracy is increasingly talked about as a value system, as a process, constantly in the making, the relation to the domestic sphere only becomes superficial. In addition, globalization tends to blur the boundaries between domestic and international 'democracy', further emphasising the significance of the debate on democracy as a guide in the international system. Hence, a couple of contributions in this volume address developments at the global level relating to relations between countries. The latter relates to a problematique that can be formulated into the following question: How democratic is the 'New World Order'?
Democracy and Democratization
Democratization is a field in which unexpected and sudden events have repeatedly challenged conventional wisdom. For example, who in the mid-1970s would have foreseen the democratization of Cambodia, Albania, South Africa or East Timor? The developments in Georgia, and the advances toward democratic rule in Indonesia and Paraguay, have tested, and are testing, many of our previous assumptions. In the last two decades, several countries have experienced processes of democratization. The on-going wave of democratization, like previous ones, is not a smooth and straightforward one; some countries, like Pakistan and Thailand, are moving in and out of democratic rule. More importantly, it challenges most of the established theories on how democratic societies emerge. Whether referring to the 'Lipset's Law' (Lipset 1959), the role of 'pacts' (O'Donnell & Schmitter 1986), or more Marxist-influenced explanations on the role of the working class (Therborn 1977), we are left wanting for more solid and reliable theories. And it is rather telling that a metaphor like 'the third wave' was dominating the debate during the 1990s (Huntington 1991). Instead, the democratization process appears as emerging from utterly complex combinations of underlying factors, putting the viability of predictability and 'engineering' into serious doubt.
A deeper understanding seems to require a variety of theoretical approaches. These rapid and thorough societal changes in many parts of the world present important challenges and opportunities for theorists and policymakers alike. Large segments of the international donor community is committed to democracy through a variety of means, such as interventions (Paris 2004; Ottaway 2003), support to socio-economic development and through support to civil society. This commitment may have suffered some serious handicaps after 9/11, but it has still remained the main mantra of the aid agencies.
Democracy becomes the 'only game in town when no significant political groups seriously attempt to overthrow the democratic system or secede from the state' (Linz and Stepan 1995, 5). Most of the literature on democracy assumes that it is the best form of government. Implicit in the literature on democracy is the idea that a democratic government is the best way to manage conflict, both internal and external. In fact, as Shapiro and Cordon (1999) point out, there is a strong tendency to associate democracy with a wide range of activities and outcomes that people respect.
Recent research has focussed on how democracy can be defined and measured. There is a discussion on whether democracy must be defined in the most minimal way, or if it should be defined as and all-encompassing phenomenon. To Schumpeter (1942), democracy is merely a system in which rulers were selected by competitive elections. Popper (1962) defines it as a means by which people removed rulers without resource to force. In contrast to this minimalist definition of democracy, Dahl's (1956) framework of 'polyarchy' asks for — as essential to democracy — the presence of elected officials; free and fair elections; inclusive suffrage; the right to run for public office; freedom of expression; existence and availability of alternative information; and associational autonomy. In a Marxist tradition, definitions go beyond that and ask for economic democracy and an equitable distribution of resources in order to be legitimate and real (Bello 2001).
The definition of democracy is still contested in many transitory democracies. They face various challenges such as the lack of legitimacy, absence of deep democratic values, weak political parties, organized group or ethnic interests and confusing electoral systems. These democracies also...
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